Under Vladimir Putin, Russia has steadily been seeking international prominence and a restoration of some mythical glory years. The 1990s were not kind to the new Russian democracy as corruption and crime spiraled out of control. On top of that Russia lost its holdings in Eastern Europe, the Caucuses, and north-west Asia. The 1998 economic crisis virtually destroyed Boris Yeltsin’s government. After years of suffering under Communism, the 1990s were so bad that people wanted to return to certain aspects of the Communist era.
Then came Putin. While the media is biased and elections are certainly not fair, Putin is immensely popular. Like many post-Communist leaders he has used nationalism to “revive” the country. Russian Orthodox churches have been restored and the tsar has been reborn as a symbol of Russian glory. Earlier this year the Russian high court, which is basically an appendage of the Kremlin, exonerated the tsar and his family. Over the last few years Putin has made several efforts to revive symbols of Russia’s imperial legacy. Meanwhile, the Russian military once again parades in the Red Square. Russian aircraft have resumed long range patrols and in Russia’s point of view its intervention in Georgia was a success. Putin’s Russia is a weird mix of Russian imperial legacy, Communist military might and “economic stability,” and a market economy closely associated with the State through former KGB members.
Unfortunately for Mr. Putin nationalism alone will not be able to revive the country. Nationalism is a quick fix for a floundering country. By focusing people’s attention on nationalistic ideals they may temporarily put aside economic problems. In Yugoslavia during the 1990s Slobodan Milosevic gained power through nationalism although by the end of the decade he had nearly lost all that power. Nationalism creates a facade of a strong country. It’s military may march through the streets of Moscow as it did during the the Cold War but is it still capable of fighting a war against a real adversary (i.e. not Georgia)? Is its chain of command still competent? Does it still have access to most of its military hardware?
Mr. Putin’s nationalism and military resurgence further covers up immense economic and social problems. During Communist years the Communist party was able to place significant burdens on the citizenry, because the people strongly believed in the Communist ideology and system. Putin’s government has no ideology so it cannot energize the people to look beyond domestic short comings. Every year Russia’s population is declining as the birth rate decreases and the death rate increases. Life expectancy has continued to decrease (although recently it has risen to 68 years). The health care system has completely atrophied. At least during the Communist years everyone had access to a minimal level of health care and social services. Meanwhile, people are fleeing the countryside for the the cities and central Russia. Large portions of Russia are completely depopulated and entire towns are becoming ghost towns. A depopulation of the countryside could lead to an agriculture crisis. In the cities the industrial and business sectors have their problems. Corruption has made it nearly impossible for small businesses to succeed while it has prevented foreign investment. The industrial sector is increasingly coming under control of former KGB officials and government officials. The outcome is a quasi-state owned industrial sector that is not conducive to efficiency, growth, and foreign investment. The government is becoming oligarchic and the courts are inefficient and flawed.
Despite these severe economic and social problems Putin has pursued an aggressive foreign policy. Clearly Putin has expansionist goals in the Caucuses, and he wants to increase to increase his influence in eastern Europe. Belarus has already rejoined Russia although that was by choice not coercion. Russia has used its energy resources to exert its influence over eastern Europe. With very one-dimensional energy portfolios many countries have no choice but to bend somewhat to Russian demands. The Baltic states are nearly completely dependent on Russia for natural gas, Hungary and the Czech Republic receive 70% of their natural gas from Russia, and Ukraine is at 35%.
How does Western Europe and the United States respond to Putin’s Russia? To begin with they need to treat Russia has a superpower. It has the second largest nuclear stockpile and substantial conventional forces. Its abundance of natural resources gives it influence over many parts of Europe. Unlike many countries it has the ability to project its power anywhere in the world. Secondly, it is crucial that Europe develops alternative sources of energy. Instead of developing a missile shield for the Czech Republic, the United States should work on energy portfolio diversification and continued research into alternative sources of energy. The EU should also focus on energy diversification especially since the EU can play a more significant role. Third, Russia needs to be incorporated into European partnerships. As economic ties increase the possibility of military aggression decreases. These partnerships need to be mutual. While Russia is involved with Europe in energy distribution the relationship is completely one-sided and Russia holds all the cards. One goal should be to increase foreign investment in Russia, although Russia would have to make significant efforts to fight corruption. Companies are not going to want to invest in a country where bribes are the norm and the court system has no independence. However, it is important that Russia is not able to disrupt or undermine current successful European partnerships and supranational bodies.
Finally, Russian expansionist goals need to be addressed. Russia has long been fearful of “Western” intervention which has created a sense of distrust. The missile shield only increases that sense of distrust. Increasing NATO membership to include Ukraine or Georgia has its own problems. Russia views these countries as inside its sphere of influence. If they are included in NATO, Russia will feel that its national security is extremely threatened. These countries badly want to be a part of NATO since unfortunately they would be the first to feel the brunt of Russian expansion. Instead, Europe and the United States need to give these countries some level of assurance that a Russian incursion would be met with appropriate force. If one country falls to Russian expansion then its neighbors will be seriously threatened and a domino effect could begin. On the other hand, if a country voluntarily wishes to join with Russia then Europe and the United States should let such a merger occur. This isn’t a battle of ideologies so the “West” should only focus on protecting those who wish to remain free of Russian hegemony.
Russia is in a precarious position. It began to recover from the economic problems of the 1990s but the current economic crisis will most likely create a reversal. If Putin/Medvedev fail to respond to respond to the economic crisis then they could see their power wane. Alternatively, Putin could make Medvedev the scapegoat and return to power himself to “save” the Russian people. Yet the problems go beyond the current economic crisis. Putin is making the dangerious decision to use foreign policy initatives as a substitute for needed domestic reform. Eventually, the domestic situation will no longer be able to support Putin’s grandious ambitions. Foreign policy failure will then undermine Putin. It’s for this reason that Russia cannot be allowed to expand. Europe and the United States need to take a hardline against any Russian expansion but at the same time prevent any action that would isolate Russia and treat it as a second-rate power. Outwardly Russia may be strengthening, but inwardly Russia is extremely weak and vulnerable. As long as Russia fails to reform its social and economic situation and tackle corruption it will always be a constrained superpower.